Title:
The Rape of Virgin Munchindun
Sub Title:
Pen Name:
Michael Gillespie
Book ID:
66828
Author ID:
456041
Book Status
Sales Info
About the Book, About the Author, Free Preview
Thursday, 8 July 2010
The Rape of Virgin Munchindun
Munchindun is a fictional district in Co Tyrone N. Ireland
This topical novel deals with th e difficulties that exist between the communities in N. Ireland at the present time in a new interesting way
The novel tells a fascinating love story with a difference.
The book has been given a positive write up in the press.
The book--- THE RAPE OF VIRGIN MUNCHINDUN--- is available from Amazon Books on the Internet or through any book store.
Michael Gillespie Author
This topical novel deals with th e difficulties that exist between the communities in N. Ireland at the present time in a new interesting way
The novel tells a fascinating love story with a difference.
The book has been given a positive write up in the press.
The book--- THE RAPE OF VIRGIN MUNCHINDUN--- is available from Amazon Books on the Internet or through any book store.
Michael Gillespie Author
Wednesday, 7 July 2010
Bloody Sunday and a Perceived Constitution
Bloody Sunday, and a Perceived Constitution.
Nothing in this article gainsays the unjust and unjustifiable murder of innocent civilians and the enormity of that crime carried out by the Parachute Regiment in Derry on Bloody Sunday. This article attempts to explore how the U.K. constitution is perceived in Northern Ireland. In what follows perception is used in the dictionary sense of: -
“ The awareness of the external world or some aspect of it through physical sensations and the interpretation of these by the mind.”
The primary and ultimate role of the president of the U.S.A. is to support maintain and defend the constitution ultimately with the army. Apart from 9/11 the American constitution isn’t under threat. Here in N. Ireland the situation is different because the constitution is perceived to be under threat and has to be supported maintained and defended by the British Army and by an armed P.S.N.I.
Protestant Loyalist Ireland perceives Catholic Nationalist Ireland as a constitutional threat and perceives Catholic Nationalist Ireland as ambivalent about U.K. constitution and cannot be trusted. This is nothing new but stretches back in History.
Protestant Loyalist Ireland perceived Home Rule as Rome Rule. Home Rule in the fledgling Free State proved to be Rome Rule. This is evidenced in the Eucharistic Congress 1932 with a triumphant parading of Catholicism in Ireland. There was the enforced resignation of Dr Noel Browne by the Catholic hierarchy over Dr Brown’s mother and child scheme in 1948. There is also the case of Catholic Clergy intolerance of Protestant freedom of conscience of Sheila Cloney in Fethard on Sea over Ne Temere in 1957. In current times there was the turning of the blind eye by Dail Eireann to clerical child abuse in state institutions. So the perception by Protestant Loyalist Ireland that Home Rule would be something other than U.K. constitutional rule wasn’t wide of the mark.
The mistrust of Catholic Nationalists by Protestant Loyalists blighted the Civil Rights Association. Protestants Loyalists perceived the hidden agenda of Nationalists in the C.R.A. was to put them into a hated Republic by stealth. Ian Paisley captured this mistrust by calling the C.R.A. the I.R.A. and this misnomer was not without substance. The initial aims o f John Hume and the C.R.A. was to win equality of citizen ship for Catholics and this aim was laudable and needed. However the C.R.A. was infiltrated by Republicans whose constitutional agenda stretched far beyond the winning of equality for Catholics in N. Ireland to the over throw of the state’s constitution by violence. In Lord Saville’s report ~Republicans were a part of the Bloody Sunday march in the violent presence of Martin Magennis allegedly with a machine gun. So Ian Paisley’s naming of the C.R.A. as the I.R.A. has substance and Loyalist mistrust justified.
In N. Ireland the constitution is ultimately imposed by military might. This was the constitutional role adopted by the Paras on Bloody Sunday. The regiment perceived the marchers as a constitutional threat and a gut reaction of military fire- power followed. That doesn’t condone the murder of innocent people but illustrates the amorality and constitutional degeneracy of the soldiers involved. In this action the Paras drove the constitutional nationalism of John Hume’s C.R.A. off the streets of Derry and drove violent Republicanism onto the streets in strength. In a counter campaign of terror the Provisional I.R.A. attempted to impose a Republic on Loyalist Ireland by brute force and that campaign was as amoral, constitutionally degenerate and futile as was the murderous assault on marchers by the Paras.
U.K. constitution being unwritten relies on the ground on perception for interpretation. What Ireland now needs is a written constitution which goes beyond perception but is interpreted rationally. The written Republican constitution of the 26 counties won’t do as Republicanism is rejected by Loyalist Ireland whose historic psyche is Loyalty to the Crown, the free expression of which is a human right. By the same token the unwritten militarily imposed U.K. constitution is rejected by the vast majority of the people of Ireland. In the thesis put forward in Slugger the rejected U.K. constitution needs to be replaced with a Federal Kingdom Constitution expressed in the National Government of Ireland Act. This is a position central to U.K. constitution and Republicanism. This Act can be made as acceptable to the Catholics of Kerry as to the Protestants of Derry. The Government of Ireland Act partitioned the Island only the National Government of Ireland Act can unite it.
Protestant Church men have called on the people of Derry to unite but that begs the question ---Unite as what? As Union Jack Unionists? Surely not. As Irish Republicans? No way will they do that. But the people of Derry could unite under the National Government of Ireland Act. That is possible feasible and doable.
Michael Gillespie
Nothing in this article gainsays the unjust and unjustifiable murder of innocent civilians and the enormity of that crime carried out by the Parachute Regiment in Derry on Bloody Sunday. This article attempts to explore how the U.K. constitution is perceived in Northern Ireland. In what follows perception is used in the dictionary sense of: -
“ The awareness of the external world or some aspect of it through physical sensations and the interpretation of these by the mind.”
The primary and ultimate role of the president of the U.S.A. is to support maintain and defend the constitution ultimately with the army. Apart from 9/11 the American constitution isn’t under threat. Here in N. Ireland the situation is different because the constitution is perceived to be under threat and has to be supported maintained and defended by the British Army and by an armed P.S.N.I.
Protestant Loyalist Ireland perceives Catholic Nationalist Ireland as a constitutional threat and perceives Catholic Nationalist Ireland as ambivalent about U.K. constitution and cannot be trusted. This is nothing new but stretches back in History.
Protestant Loyalist Ireland perceived Home Rule as Rome Rule. Home Rule in the fledgling Free State proved to be Rome Rule. This is evidenced in the Eucharistic Congress 1932 with a triumphant parading of Catholicism in Ireland. There was the enforced resignation of Dr Noel Browne by the Catholic hierarchy over Dr Brown’s mother and child scheme in 1948. There is also the case of Catholic Clergy intolerance of Protestant freedom of conscience of Sheila Cloney in Fethard on Sea over Ne Temere in 1957. In current times there was the turning of the blind eye by Dail Eireann to clerical child abuse in state institutions. So the perception by Protestant Loyalist Ireland that Home Rule would be something other than U.K. constitutional rule wasn’t wide of the mark.
The mistrust of Catholic Nationalists by Protestant Loyalists blighted the Civil Rights Association. Protestants Loyalists perceived the hidden agenda of Nationalists in the C.R.A. was to put them into a hated Republic by stealth. Ian Paisley captured this mistrust by calling the C.R.A. the I.R.A. and this misnomer was not without substance. The initial aims o f John Hume and the C.R.A. was to win equality of citizen ship for Catholics and this aim was laudable and needed. However the C.R.A. was infiltrated by Republicans whose constitutional agenda stretched far beyond the winning of equality for Catholics in N. Ireland to the over throw of the state’s constitution by violence. In Lord Saville’s report ~Republicans were a part of the Bloody Sunday march in the violent presence of Martin Magennis allegedly with a machine gun. So Ian Paisley’s naming of the C.R.A. as the I.R.A. has substance and Loyalist mistrust justified.
In N. Ireland the constitution is ultimately imposed by military might. This was the constitutional role adopted by the Paras on Bloody Sunday. The regiment perceived the marchers as a constitutional threat and a gut reaction of military fire- power followed. That doesn’t condone the murder of innocent people but illustrates the amorality and constitutional degeneracy of the soldiers involved. In this action the Paras drove the constitutional nationalism of John Hume’s C.R.A. off the streets of Derry and drove violent Republicanism onto the streets in strength. In a counter campaign of terror the Provisional I.R.A. attempted to impose a Republic on Loyalist Ireland by brute force and that campaign was as amoral, constitutionally degenerate and futile as was the murderous assault on marchers by the Paras.
U.K. constitution being unwritten relies on the ground on perception for interpretation. What Ireland now needs is a written constitution which goes beyond perception but is interpreted rationally. The written Republican constitution of the 26 counties won’t do as Republicanism is rejected by Loyalist Ireland whose historic psyche is Loyalty to the Crown, the free expression of which is a human right. By the same token the unwritten militarily imposed U.K. constitution is rejected by the vast majority of the people of Ireland. In the thesis put forward in Slugger the rejected U.K. constitution needs to be replaced with a Federal Kingdom Constitution expressed in the National Government of Ireland Act. This is a position central to U.K. constitution and Republicanism. This Act can be made as acceptable to the Catholics of Kerry as to the Protestants of Derry. The Government of Ireland Act partitioned the Island only the National Government of Ireland Act can unite it.
Protestant Church men have called on the people of Derry to unite but that begs the question ---Unite as what? As Union Jack Unionists? Surely not. As Irish Republicans? No way will they do that. But the people of Derry could unite under the National Government of Ireland Act. That is possible feasible and doable.
Michael Gillespie
Saturday, 21 November 2009
A Federal Kingdom Fits the Bill
A Federal Kingdom Fits the Bill
Fair Deal writing about the D.U.P. 20TH Nov writes: -
“ It will seek to shape the union by campaigning for a new constitutional settlement based on our cherished values of equal citizenship- a Federal U.K. with a written constitution and a Bill of Rights.”
What Fair Deal has in mind in a Federal U.K. is the constitutional set up in the Federal United States of America. In the United States there is a powerful central government ruling over subservient states with residual governmental powers. But would that model satisfy the people here. In Fair Deal’s Federal U.K. a powerful central government at Westminster would rule over a subservient N. Ireland with only residual powers. In that model the flag in N. Ireland would be the Union Jack but would that flag be acceptable on the Falls and Bogside? Again the anthem would b e –God Save the Queen—but would that be sung in the Nationalist community? In Fair Deal’s Federal U.K. the people would still be divided along sectarian lines.
There is however another Federal model. That is where a treaty or compact is entered into between two equal states. This model would yield a Federal Kingdom for these islands. The canvass to be worked on in this context is an all Ireland canvass. In this there would be a dual constitution, an unwritten constitution for G.B. as of now with a new written constitution for the nation of Ireland expressed in The National Government of Ireland Act. The Act would give among much else a flag, an anthem, a passport and a statement of rights as acceptable to the Catholics of Kerry as to the Protestants of Derry in a non-sectarian Ireland. Fair Deal should think again.
Michael Gillespie Derry
Fair Deal writing about the D.U.P. 20TH Nov writes: -
“ It will seek to shape the union by campaigning for a new constitutional settlement based on our cherished values of equal citizenship- a Federal U.K. with a written constitution and a Bill of Rights.”
What Fair Deal has in mind in a Federal U.K. is the constitutional set up in the Federal United States of America. In the United States there is a powerful central government ruling over subservient states with residual governmental powers. But would that model satisfy the people here. In Fair Deal’s Federal U.K. a powerful central government at Westminster would rule over a subservient N. Ireland with only residual powers. In that model the flag in N. Ireland would be the Union Jack but would that flag be acceptable on the Falls and Bogside? Again the anthem would b e –God Save the Queen—but would that be sung in the Nationalist community? In Fair Deal’s Federal U.K. the people would still be divided along sectarian lines.
There is however another Federal model. That is where a treaty or compact is entered into between two equal states. This model would yield a Federal Kingdom for these islands. The canvass to be worked on in this context is an all Ireland canvass. In this there would be a dual constitution, an unwritten constitution for G.B. as of now with a new written constitution for the nation of Ireland expressed in The National Government of Ireland Act. The Act would give among much else a flag, an anthem, a passport and a statement of rights as acceptable to the Catholics of Kerry as to the Protestants of Derry in a non-sectarian Ireland. Fair Deal should think again.
Michael Gillespie Derry
Thursday, 29 October 2009
Racism in These Islands
Racism in These Islands.
It could be that the British National Party has touched a raw nerve in the body of British and Irish politics. It is reckoned that the B.N.P. could obtain a vote of 22% in a British election. This issue has to do with a wide spread concern in working class areas due to an influx of new wave immigrants into their midst. There are those in Belfast and Derry who have been out protesting about the racism of the B.N.P. Such protestors should look at racism on their own Ulster doorstep first.
Is such fear of new wave immigration real or imaginary? The reality of the concern can be paralleled at home in Irish history. In the 16th century a people of different race, culture, religion and language came to Ireland in the plantation of Ulster. The whirlwind of this was reaped in the 20th century in a partitioned island, over 30 years of intercommunal (racist) violence and in the racist sectarian ghettoes of Belfast and Derry and elsewhere. This is the historic fruit of introducing an immigrant population into a country. But Irish history has another parallel. The Normans came to Ireland uninvited and settled here but in that case all was well in the long term because the Normans integrated with the native Irish and became “more Irish than the Irish themselves” This immigration was to the benefit of Ireland.
If the new wave immigrants to G.B. and Ireland become as British as the British themselves and as Irish as the Irish themselves then the migration will be of benefit to all. It would seem that the majority of new wave immigrants see themselves in that way. If however there are some who wish to live apart and separate from the indigenous people, as the Ulster planters opted to do, for the future health of these islands such people should be excluded.
Michael Gillespie. Derry
It could be that the British National Party has touched a raw nerve in the body of British and Irish politics. It is reckoned that the B.N.P. could obtain a vote of 22% in a British election. This issue has to do with a wide spread concern in working class areas due to an influx of new wave immigrants into their midst. There are those in Belfast and Derry who have been out protesting about the racism of the B.N.P. Such protestors should look at racism on their own Ulster doorstep first.
Is such fear of new wave immigration real or imaginary? The reality of the concern can be paralleled at home in Irish history. In the 16th century a people of different race, culture, religion and language came to Ireland in the plantation of Ulster. The whirlwind of this was reaped in the 20th century in a partitioned island, over 30 years of intercommunal (racist) violence and in the racist sectarian ghettoes of Belfast and Derry and elsewhere. This is the historic fruit of introducing an immigrant population into a country. But Irish history has another parallel. The Normans came to Ireland uninvited and settled here but in that case all was well in the long term because the Normans integrated with the native Irish and became “more Irish than the Irish themselves” This immigration was to the benefit of Ireland.
If the new wave immigrants to G.B. and Ireland become as British as the British themselves and as Irish as the Irish themselves then the migration will be of benefit to all. It would seem that the majority of new wave immigrants see themselves in that way. If however there are some who wish to live apart and separate from the indigenous people, as the Ulster planters opted to do, for the future health of these islands such people should be excluded.
Michael Gillespie. Derry
Thursday, 3 September 2009
Sir Reg/Mr Durkan
4 Rotherwood Drive Tel 028 71 285 807 Email macgil@hotmail.co.uk
Killfennan
L’Derry
N. Ireland
BT47 5SY
13/July/ 09
Dear Mr Durkan
I have taken courage and am making bold to write to you on a complex political theme; the theme is the reform of the United Kingdom Constitution as the only route out of the inherent violence of N. Ireland. The violence of this 12th prompts this.
I was formerly a teacher but I retired from that to devote my energies to work on the Irish problem and its solution. On that theme I have published a novel with Authorhouse titled THE WAY IRELAND OUGHT TO BE. I have a second novel coming out shortly on the same theme titled THE RAPE OF VIRGIN MUNCHINDUN where Munchindun is a fictional district in Tyrone. I also maintain an extensive blog on this theme on: -
www.blogstoday.co.uk/irishproblemsolved.blog
This blog is read as far afield as California. My version of the National Government of Ireland Act, which is central to this letter, can be found in the novel THE WAY IRELAND OUGHT TO BE.
My political views in this writing are personal but the views are sincerely held. In terms of the politics of this island I am not a Nationalist, Republican or Union Jack Unionist. These are now past their use by date and should be disposed of, and replaced by the new improved concept of Federal Unionism-Early Sinn. In my reading of Irish political history initially Arthur Griffiths who founded Sinn Fein in 1904, wanted a government for Ireland with a dual monarchy. When this is examined in depth Early Sinn Fein was federal unionist and if Griffith’s initial ideas had been developed with patience and hadn’t been swept away by the sectarian violence of 1916 Ireland today would be united under the Crown, a nation similar to Canada. But that, I admit is an “if only” of Irish history. 1916 changed things but the changes were for the worse.
Two things have prompted me to write to you. As noted there is the upsurge in violence during the current 12th demonstrations. Windbags on the media and in the press have roundly condemned this but that is a waste of time. Violence is endemic in Northern Ireland. Federal Unionism-Early Sinn Fein can ask and answer the question ---“Why is this?”
My second reason for writing has to do with a quote of Sir Reg Empey taken from the Belfast Telegraph, which goes like this: -
“My parties role in the Belfast Agreement is to free this country from the shackles that tied us all to sectarian based head counts and mutual distrust.”
The sentiment is fine and is to be applauded but he doesn’t say how to achieve this. Federal Unionism-Early Sinn Fein can supply the know-how in freeing us from the shackles of sectarianism and mutual mistrust.
To grasp the know-how one must understand Federal Unionism-Early Sinn Fein’s analysis of the problem. That concept identifies sectarianism as the sickness of Ireland (all of it) and the cause of the sickness can be traced to the U.K. constitution. This constitution is flawed in that it is undemocratic and unwritten and because it lacks the support of all of the people of N. Ireland it is imposed militarily on those who object to it. A purpose of the 12th demonstrations is to ram the constitution down the throats of those who object to it and a significant body of people find U.K. constitution objectionable, to wit the De Brun vote in the recent European election. The Orange Order can throw up a smoke screen of Protestant cultural expression (whatever protestant culture is) but the people aren’t fooled. The flaunting of Union Jacks on the streets and the making of union speeches at the field demonstrate that Orange Parades are about the imposition of the U.K. constitution on those who object to it.
Federal Unionism-Early Sinn Fein rejects dogma in politics and embraces secularism, which replaces political dogma with reason, logic and observation. The adoption of secularism and the rejection of political dogma in Ireland is another prerequisite in finding a solution to the Irish Problem.
Federal Unionism-Early Sinn Fein puts forward as basic to the solution of the Irish Problem, the reform of U.K. constitution in the written National Government of Ireland Act. In this way the existing unwritten undemocratic constitution can be changed from the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland to the Federal Kingdom of the Sovereign Nation of Ireland and Great Britain or vice versa. As it is now constituted N. Ireland is unstable and prone to communal violence. It is observable that there are two heads of state involved, two conflicting national flags being flown, two conflicting national anthems being sung and two conflicting national passports being travelled on. The state thus constituted is a state at war with itself and in such a state violence is endemic. Such a state requires a new written constitution expressed in the National Government of Ireland Act as follows: -
(a) One head of state: the reformed Crown whose constitutional duties in all Ireland are defined and clearly stated in writing in the Act.
(b) One National Flag. In the case of the National Government of Ireland Act the national flag would be The Royal Flag of Ireland. This flag should be the existing Tricolour with the Red Cross of St Patrick imposed on the white central panel of the tricolour along with the Crown and harp symbols in blue and with a shamrock symbol. This flag should be defined in the Act as The Royal Flag of Ireland which is at one and the same time, the National Flag of Ireland and the symbol of the Federal Kingdom of the Sovereign Nation of Ireland and Great Britain or vice versa. The Union Jack should remain as the National Flag of Great Britain and be the symbol of The Federal Kingdom of Great Britain and the Sovereign Nation of Ireland. in Great Britain. Joining the two national flags together as one, is more sensible than trying to join Martin Mc Guinness and Peter Robinson together at the hip in the Assembly. These men symbolize irreconcilable constitutional positions and conflict. This is only one piece of the constitutional jigsaw. The version of the Act given in THE WAY IRELAND OUGHT TO BE runs to 20,000 words and attempts to deal with all aspects of life on this island.
©One National Anthem, which can be sung by all. There are many good songs in Ireland that would suit this.
(d)One National Passport written in Irish and English showing a picture of the Crown as head of state
(e) One central government in Dublin named Dail Eireann with legislative powers devolved to four Provincial Houses: -
The Ulster House
The Munster House
The Leinster House
The Connaugh House
All of that is part of the know-how of Federal Unionism-Early Sinn Fein and in the National Government of Ireland Act a written constitution can be designed for Ireland that should be as acceptable to the Catholics of Kerry as to the Protestants of Derry. This is possible feasible and doable but to do it will require the restructuring of the political centre in Northern Ireland. In N. Ireland the political centre is fractured in three between the U.U.P. the S.D.L.P. and the Alliance Party. A single central party should be set up under the banner of Federal Unionism-Early Sinn Fein. Such a party should take as its platform the reform of the U.K. constitution as outlined in this letter and have as its flag The Royal flag of Ireland. The party should make clear to all that it is united Ireland friendly, union friendly and Crown friendly. In that way the party is for all, is non-sectarian and crosses the communal divide.
I have also written to Ms Ruane minister for education not about politics: we are poles apart on politics but about education where we can communicate. The good lady gave me a written reply that was positive, well informed and at length In general she said her views on selection in education were not incompatible with mine. A copy of this article can be found at the blog address given at the beginning of this letter by scrolling down to page 3 to Selection at Eleven.
I would be most grateful if you would reply to this letter either by letter or by email in a positive informed and significant way. The views in this letter are sincerely put forward as the only way to a genuine peace in Ireland. The current so called peace is a bogus peace. You can show this letter to your colleagues in the party.
Yours Sincerely
Michael Gillespie B.Ed B.Sc(Econ) DipEd D.A.S.E. M.A.(Ed)
Federal Unionist-Early Sinn Fein
Killfennan
L’Derry
N. Ireland
BT47 5SY
13/July/ 09
Dear Mr Durkan
I have taken courage and am making bold to write to you on a complex political theme; the theme is the reform of the United Kingdom Constitution as the only route out of the inherent violence of N. Ireland. The violence of this 12th prompts this.
I was formerly a teacher but I retired from that to devote my energies to work on the Irish problem and its solution. On that theme I have published a novel with Authorhouse titled THE WAY IRELAND OUGHT TO BE. I have a second novel coming out shortly on the same theme titled THE RAPE OF VIRGIN MUNCHINDUN where Munchindun is a fictional district in Tyrone. I also maintain an extensive blog on this theme on: -
www.blogstoday.co.uk/irishproblemsolved.blog
This blog is read as far afield as California. My version of the National Government of Ireland Act, which is central to this letter, can be found in the novel THE WAY IRELAND OUGHT TO BE.
My political views in this writing are personal but the views are sincerely held. In terms of the politics of this island I am not a Nationalist, Republican or Union Jack Unionist. These are now past their use by date and should be disposed of, and replaced by the new improved concept of Federal Unionism-Early Sinn. In my reading of Irish political history initially Arthur Griffiths who founded Sinn Fein in 1904, wanted a government for Ireland with a dual monarchy. When this is examined in depth Early Sinn Fein was federal unionist and if Griffith’s initial ideas had been developed with patience and hadn’t been swept away by the sectarian violence of 1916 Ireland today would be united under the Crown, a nation similar to Canada. But that, I admit is an “if only” of Irish history. 1916 changed things but the changes were for the worse.
Two things have prompted me to write to you. As noted there is the upsurge in violence during the current 12th demonstrations. Windbags on the media and in the press have roundly condemned this but that is a waste of time. Violence is endemic in Northern Ireland. Federal Unionism-Early Sinn Fein can ask and answer the question ---“Why is this?”
My second reason for writing has to do with a quote of Sir Reg Empey taken from the Belfast Telegraph, which goes like this: -
“My parties role in the Belfast Agreement is to free this country from the shackles that tied us all to sectarian based head counts and mutual distrust.”
The sentiment is fine and is to be applauded but he doesn’t say how to achieve this. Federal Unionism-Early Sinn Fein can supply the know-how in freeing us from the shackles of sectarianism and mutual mistrust.
To grasp the know-how one must understand Federal Unionism-Early Sinn Fein’s analysis of the problem. That concept identifies sectarianism as the sickness of Ireland (all of it) and the cause of the sickness can be traced to the U.K. constitution. This constitution is flawed in that it is undemocratic and unwritten and because it lacks the support of all of the people of N. Ireland it is imposed militarily on those who object to it. A purpose of the 12th demonstrations is to ram the constitution down the throats of those who object to it and a significant body of people find U.K. constitution objectionable, to wit the De Brun vote in the recent European election. The Orange Order can throw up a smoke screen of Protestant cultural expression (whatever protestant culture is) but the people aren’t fooled. The flaunting of Union Jacks on the streets and the making of union speeches at the field demonstrate that Orange Parades are about the imposition of the U.K. constitution on those who object to it.
Federal Unionism-Early Sinn Fein rejects dogma in politics and embraces secularism, which replaces political dogma with reason, logic and observation. The adoption of secularism and the rejection of political dogma in Ireland is another prerequisite in finding a solution to the Irish Problem.
Federal Unionism-Early Sinn Fein puts forward as basic to the solution of the Irish Problem, the reform of U.K. constitution in the written National Government of Ireland Act. In this way the existing unwritten undemocratic constitution can be changed from the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland to the Federal Kingdom of the Sovereign Nation of Ireland and Great Britain or vice versa. As it is now constituted N. Ireland is unstable and prone to communal violence. It is observable that there are two heads of state involved, two conflicting national flags being flown, two conflicting national anthems being sung and two conflicting national passports being travelled on. The state thus constituted is a state at war with itself and in such a state violence is endemic. Such a state requires a new written constitution expressed in the National Government of Ireland Act as follows: -
(a) One head of state: the reformed Crown whose constitutional duties in all Ireland are defined and clearly stated in writing in the Act.
(b) One National Flag. In the case of the National Government of Ireland Act the national flag would be The Royal Flag of Ireland. This flag should be the existing Tricolour with the Red Cross of St Patrick imposed on the white central panel of the tricolour along with the Crown and harp symbols in blue and with a shamrock symbol. This flag should be defined in the Act as The Royal Flag of Ireland which is at one and the same time, the National Flag of Ireland and the symbol of the Federal Kingdom of the Sovereign Nation of Ireland and Great Britain or vice versa. The Union Jack should remain as the National Flag of Great Britain and be the symbol of The Federal Kingdom of Great Britain and the Sovereign Nation of Ireland. in Great Britain. Joining the two national flags together as one, is more sensible than trying to join Martin Mc Guinness and Peter Robinson together at the hip in the Assembly. These men symbolize irreconcilable constitutional positions and conflict. This is only one piece of the constitutional jigsaw. The version of the Act given in THE WAY IRELAND OUGHT TO BE runs to 20,000 words and attempts to deal with all aspects of life on this island.
©One National Anthem, which can be sung by all. There are many good songs in Ireland that would suit this.
(d)One National Passport written in Irish and English showing a picture of the Crown as head of state
(e) One central government in Dublin named Dail Eireann with legislative powers devolved to four Provincial Houses: -
The Ulster House
The Munster House
The Leinster House
The Connaugh House
All of that is part of the know-how of Federal Unionism-Early Sinn Fein and in the National Government of Ireland Act a written constitution can be designed for Ireland that should be as acceptable to the Catholics of Kerry as to the Protestants of Derry. This is possible feasible and doable but to do it will require the restructuring of the political centre in Northern Ireland. In N. Ireland the political centre is fractured in three between the U.U.P. the S.D.L.P. and the Alliance Party. A single central party should be set up under the banner of Federal Unionism-Early Sinn Fein. Such a party should take as its platform the reform of the U.K. constitution as outlined in this letter and have as its flag The Royal flag of Ireland. The party should make clear to all that it is united Ireland friendly, union friendly and Crown friendly. In that way the party is for all, is non-sectarian and crosses the communal divide.
I have also written to Ms Ruane minister for education not about politics: we are poles apart on politics but about education where we can communicate. The good lady gave me a written reply that was positive, well informed and at length In general she said her views on selection in education were not incompatible with mine. A copy of this article can be found at the blog address given at the beginning of this letter by scrolling down to page 3 to Selection at Eleven.
I would be most grateful if you would reply to this letter either by letter or by email in a positive informed and significant way. The views in this letter are sincerely put forward as the only way to a genuine peace in Ireland. The current so called peace is a bogus peace. You can show this letter to your colleagues in the party.
Yours Sincerely
Michael Gillespie B.Ed B.Sc(Econ) DipEd D.A.S.E. M.A.(Ed)
Federal Unionist-Early Sinn Fein
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